Whereas I try to keep my Sundays free of politics, often in vain, Saturdays during campaign time are for me mostly devoted to keeping up with all the podcasts. For example, I listen to the Telegraaf's podcast to keep abreast of what "woke Holland" thinks, and to NRC to be talked at. Sundays are for RTV Rijnmond. Even following all the social media accounts is now a day job, especially if afterwards, as someone hanging somewhere between Gen Z and millennial, you irrevocably end up in doomscrolling (ed. the endless and mindless watching of videos without the user still being aware of it). Where my esteemed colleague Jan spoke at length last week about the importance of television debates, I zoom in on new media like podcasts and the socials.
The political use of social media is simultaneously embraced and feared by many. Anyone who has seen "the great hack" on Netflix knows how the tactical use of social media to steer political campaigns in a certain direction can have gigantic effects. While as a convinced Europhile I could effortlessly talk for hours about how bad Brexit is, for now I stand by the observation that social media in campaigns simply works. They are much more targeted: algorithms determine what you see, based on your behavior or what people like you like. This makes the news more personal, but also removes the sense that we are all watching the same thing.
Whereas just a few years ago, gray-haired politicians used trending (ed. a topic or form of communication that temporarily gets a lot of attention and popularity on social media) dances tried in vain to explain the importance of dry topics like the mortgage interest deduction, we now see a clear professionalization. Thierry Baudet seemed to be the first to understand what does work, such as videos featuring wine, hip-hop, and a boat. Also, the broad political spectrum now seems to be getting better at finding the balance between boring and overenthusiasm that spills over into cringe (ed. the feeling of cringe due to vicarious shame).
Political ads on certain channels are now temporarily disallowed. Campaigns are therefore switching more to organic content (ed. placed on their own channels rather than through paid ads) and clipping debate moments for their own channels. The latter can be seen very clearly these days in the major Lower House debates where the same message is often repeated by different parties.
What is striking is that it is not the loudest message that always wins, as often seems to be the case on social media. The campaigns that stick are not the tightly directed or perfectly filmed ones, but the consistent ones. A little goofy can actually be fun, and authenticity is ultimately the only strategy that works. The candidate who fumbles a bit now and then but appears regularly in your timeline makes more of an impression than a party that pulls off one big shot. It's less about the moment itself, and more about the rhythm: staying visible and recognizable. These seem to be the communications teams of 'funny uncle' Hans Vijlbrief and 'I still feel very young' Laurens Dassen have understood. So be especially cringe.
Funnily enough, it's not just the speed of social media that does well with my generations, who are often unfairly known for being easily distracted. Podcasts where someone spends an hour talking about content are also doing well. This fits into a broader trend: news podcasts now draw large audiences weekly, often as video as well. The line between listening and watching is blurring. Younger voters are reading less, but listening longer; that pushes campaigns toward formats where you get longer to explain, while remaining clippable in short snippets.
New media in a system of old reflexes. The main difference is that politicians now appear in the feed rather than on the screen. Anyone who doesn't understand that difference will lose at least half their audience. Hence, I just provided this piece with some editing for our older readers.
Roel Yska is a lobby and corporate comms advisor at Castro in Brussels and the Netherlands. Previously a lobbyist and spokesman at a major employers' organization, he is now campaigning on behalf of Volt for the second time, this time for the Lower House after having previously participated in the European elections.